Nationalism
4 articles filed under this keyword.
Components of Iranian public policy and its relationship to cultural policy During the reign of Pahlavi II
Hardi Mahdi mika, Snawber Sardar Star
Like his father, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi took several steps to consolidate his power like centralization, modernization, and the promotion of nationalism. To strengthen central authority, he reinforced the military, adopted a one-party policy, implemented several constitutional amendments, and imposed strict censorship on newspapers and magazines. In his efforts to present Iran as a modern state molded on Western countries, he emphasized women's rights and freedoms, particularly regarding clothing, education, and employment both domestically and abroad. Legislative reforms were introduced in favor of women, including the legalization of interreligious marriages between young men and women. Numerous women’s organizations and councils were established, women’s journals emerged, and female participation in political life expanded. Notably, during the White Revolution, women were granted the right to vote in national elections. However, these changes provoked strong opposition from the clergy, who viewed them as contrary to Iranian culture and traditions. In response, the state resorted to harsh repression. On the nationalist front, the Pahlavi regime promoted a form of nationalism that revived the glory of Iran's ancient past. The regime paid special attention to the Achaemenid kings, celebrated the 2,500th anniversary of the Persian Empire, honored Mithra, and showed an inclination toward reviving the ancient Iranian Zoroastrian religion. Finally, the researcher aims to present the components of Iranian public policy and their relationship to cultural policy during the reign of Pahlavi II based on the descriptive-historical approach.
Volume 12 · Issue 2 · April 2025National and Intellectual Thoughts in the Programs and Publications of the Kurdish Societies of Union and Progress and Hevi
Dara Tawfeeq Kaka Amin, Shwan Ahmed Mohammed
Evaluating the national and intellectual contexts without delving into the specific political events and military movements holds significant value, particularly in periods that paved the way for understanding national identity and strengthening intellectual connections. This was foundational for the establishment of Kurdish societies and organizations in the early 20th century. The transformations of that era provided a basis for promoting intellectual and political activities within Ottoman communities. This study focuses on the Kurdish Society of Union and Progress and Hevi (Komeley Te’awun û Terreqî and Hevî) from both national and intellectual perspectives. They emphasized language, writing, education, and the education of the Kurdish people, as well as the establishment of libraries, schools, and the publication of newspapers and magazines. Their efforts were pioneering at the time. Meanwhile, their focus on history, national identity, and differentiation from non-Kurdish organizations positioned them as unique entities. They strived for national awakening and expressed nationalist ideas through contemporary approaches, both in their programs and publications. However, various factors prevented them from fully achieving their main objectives, necessitating further scholarly inquiry. Undoubtedly, this topic requires extensive research to trace the early foundations of Kurdish nationalism and its intellectual evolution. And Understanding the roles played by these associations and organizations, their achievements, what roles did these organizations play? Where did their efforts succeed? And what additional steps were necessary for them to achieve their goals? This study is conducted with the aim of evaluating their role and impact in shaping Kurdish nationalism and enlightenment.
Volume 12 · Issue 2 · April 2025Quest for Recolonization: Nigerian Nationalism and Confiscation of Democracy in Ben Okri’s the Freedom Artist
Hawzhen Rashadaddin Ahmed, Syako Sulaiman Shekho
This study discusses the literary illustrations of the Nigerian nationalist government as being a tyrannical regime in Ben Okri’s the Freedom Artist (2019). Being a Nigerian and widely known literary writer, Okri fictionalizes tyranny, reflecting real political life in Africa, as a ruler exercising oppressive power, resembling a tyrant in real life. This study focuses on showing the parallels between the tyrannical strategies manipulated by the Nigerian nationalist government in postcolonial Nigeria to establish a cohesive nation and the methods employed by white colonial powers during the colonization of African territories – with a special focus on Nigeria. Despite their different historical contexts, both colonial and postcolonial regimes demonstrate similar oppressive tactics in terms of governance and control. Therefore, it explores the way The Freedom Artist demonstrates the Nigerian nationalist government and its doctrines as outcomes and modified iterations of neo-colonialism, carrying forward the legacies of colonial rule. This perspective posits that postcolonial Nigeria and its quest for independence are heavily affected by colonialism, showing that postcolonial Nigeria is a constructed formula deeply fed by colonial paradigms following the period of so-called decolonization in non-western spaces and especially “the third world”. Given the Nigerian context in Okri’s The Freedom Artist, this type of postcoloniality is mirrored in the framework of recolonization, referencing that recolonization is a novel phenomenon, desired by the members of the nation, in postcolonial Nigeria.
Volume 7 · Issue 1 · January 2020The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)
Ismael Abdalrahman Sahe
Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic. Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class. Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.